East European Politics & Societies recent issues

Socialism with a Slovak Face: Federalization, Democratization, and the Prague Spring

Brown, S. — 2008-07-17

Exploring the "federalization debate" that occurred in the context of the Prague Spring, this article highlights the diversity of opinions among political elites in Slovakia regarding the federalization and democratization discussions in 1968. The language Slovaks used to call for federalization reveals how they conceive of democracy and democratization, and it shows the variety of meanings Slovaks ascribed to federalization and to the popular slogan, "First federalization, then democratization." Federalization and democratization were mutually dependent in the minds of many Slovaks. The author argues that Slovak political and cultural figures writing in the late 1960s saw federalization as a necessary precondition for democracy; they regarded the nation as one of the basic units of democracy, which led them to champion institutional safeguards for Slovak national rights as a prerequisite for successful democratization.

Social Policy in the Czech "Republic": The Past and the Future of Reforms

Vecernik, J. — 2008-07-17

The article describes the development of Czech policy after 1989 and the controversies it caused. It first looks at the ambiguous nature of the communist welfare state and then proceeds to outline the theoretical alternatives. After early and energetic changes in the system, stagnation set in around the mid-1990s. Despite some problems, the current performance of the system is satisfactory, but its outlook in terms of long-term efficiency is unsatisfactory, as it will generate a rising debt into the future. In particular, the disadvantaged situation for families, the insufficient work motivation, and the frozen pension system are all causes for concern. The political shift to the right after 2006 ushered in reform measures and new reform plans. While reforms are necessary, their feasibility is uncertain owing to the fragility of the Czech political scene.

Cleavages in the Contemporary Czech and Slovak Politics Between Persistence and Change

Hlousek, V., Kopecek, L. — 2008-07-17

This study describes and compares Czech and Slovak party politics after 1989. The concept of cleavages is used as a theoretical starting point. The authors point out that although the communist period overshadowed the traditional cleavages dating from the second half of the nineteenth century, it is possible to analyze some politically-based cleavages in the respective party arrangements of the two countries. The main conclusion of the article is as follows: that despite differing trajectories of political development during the 1990s, at the present time, both the Czech and Slovak party systems show great similarities in terms of the prevalence of the socioeconomic cleavage. Socioeconomic cleavage emerged quite early after 1989 in the Czech Republic; in Slovakia the socioeconomic cleavage has become dominant only in recent years. This has contributed to the stabilization of the classic left-right model of political competition and the consolidation of the two countries' party systems.

The Politics of Minimal "Consensus": Interethnic Opposition Coalitions in Post-Communist Romania (1990-96) and Slovakia (1990-98)

Mihailescu, M. — 2008-07-17

This article argues that the inclusion of ethnic Hungarian parties within the Slovak and Romanian democratic oppositions during the early years of democratic transition was a critical element for the peaceful management of interethnic relations in these two multiethnic new democracies. Contrary to what the existing literature suggests, violent conflict was averted despite the absence of institutions specially designed to manage interethnic relations, the exclusion of ethnic minorities from government, and quasi-majoritarian political environments. In the two studied cases, interethnic opposition coalitions resulted from the adoption of basic democratic political institutions, which constrained actors across the ethnic divide to cooperate based on a minimal consensus agenda. More broadly, this article questions the claim that multiethnic countries are unlikely candidates for peaceful democratization, and suggests that as long as participation in democratic processes, either in government or in opposition, is possible for ethnic minorities, violent conflict can be averted.

Czech Diplomacy: Challenges and Opportunities

Murphy, R. — 2008-07-17

This article examines changes in the structure and operation of the Czech Republic Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) after the collapse of communism through its entry into the European Union. Like all foreign ministries, the MFA must adapt to the changing nature of diplomacy, where the distinction between foreign policy and domestic policy has become increasingly blurred. The MFA must compete in a more crowded foreign policy-making environment. However, the MFA has also been transformed by the collapse of communism. The ministry has been purged and forced to reevaluate its operations, goals, and institutional culture. This article evaluates the success of the MFA in meeting these significant challenges, and compares these reforms to the reforms of other ministries in the Czech Republic and other foreign ministries.

The Visegrad Group in the Expanded European Union: From Preaccession to Postaccession Cooperation

Dangerfield, M. — 2008-07-17

This article investigates whether the Visegrád Group (VG) is proving capable of a successful transition from preaccession to postaccession cooperation in the expanded European Union (EU). Prior to EU accession, the VG agenda mainly emphasised political cooperation around strategic goals of EU and NATO membership, acting as an incubation chamber and the organising framework for joint policies and actions. The article finds that pessimistic prognoses for postaccession VG cooperation in circulation around the time of EU entry rather underestimated the VG's staying power and its usefulness as a vehicle for serving some of the requirements and challenges of the actuality of the "return to Europe." The postaccession agenda seems to have opened up many new avenues for cooperation on both intra-VG and external affairs, including towards the EU, and seems to have given rise to the kind of substantial practical cooperation agenda that eluded the VG during the preaccession period.

Collective Guilt, Collective Responsibility and the Serbs

Clark, J. N. — 2008-07-17

Can an entire nation be collectively guilty for crimes committed in its name? Focusing on the case of Serbia, this article argues that collective guilt is a morally flawed and untenable concept that should be rejected. It presents various moral and practical objections to both the generic notion of collective guilt and the more specific idea of Serbian collective guilt and contends that the latter is a fundamental impediment to peace-building and reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia. On what basis might it be argued that the Serbs are collectively guilty? To claim that they are collectively guilty for having supported Milosevic both exaggerates levels of support for the former Serbian leader and does a major injustice to those individuals who bravely fought against the Milosevic regime. Drawing on the work of Hannah Arendt and Karl Jaspers, the article concludes by suggesting that perhaps we can speak of Serbian collective responsibility.

Review of Feinburg's Elusive Equality, Johnson and Robinson's Living Gender after Communism, and Wingfield and Bucur's Gender and War in Twentieth Century Eastern Europe: Elusive Equality: Gender, Citizenship, and the Limits of Democracy in Czechoslovakia, 1918--1950, by Melissa Feinberg. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2006. Living Gender after Communism, by Janet Elise Johnson and Jean C. Robinson. Indiana: Indiana University Press, 2007. Gender and War in Twentieth Century Eastern Europe, edited by Nancy Wingfield and Maria Bucur. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006. $24.95 (paperback)

Frieze, I. H., Olson, J. E. — 2008-07-17

Note on Authors

2008-07-17

The Final Solution in Bulgaria and Romania: A Comparative Perspective

Hollander, E. J. — 2008-04-15

Accounts of the Final Solution in Bulgaria and Romania often stress the differences between the two countries, attributing Bulgaria's relatively low victimization rate (18 percent) and Romania's relatively high one (approximately 50 percent) to differing levels of anti-Semitism or local attitudes toward Jews. This article argues that, broken down by region, Bulgaria and Romania were actually quite similar, in that both countries participated in the victimization of Jews in newly acquired territories while protecting those in the "home country." By investigating the complex negotiations between Nazi Germany and local officials in each of these countries, the author shows that because of their close alliance with Nazi Germany (and not despite this), the governments of Bulgaria and Romania were both able to protect their own Jewish citizens. Both countries essentially traded loyalty in military and economic affairs for concessions, delays, and limitations in the Final Solution. This observation has fascinating moral implications, since it suggests that countries could only protect their own citizens by cooperating with Nazi Germany. It also illustrates that far from being passive subjects of coercion, weak states in imperial relationships can actually bargain to change the terms of their own subjugation. Imperial hegemony is partly a product of negotiation and international contracting, not unmitigated coercion.

Answering Vlasov's Call: Memory and Slovene Perceptions of the Osttruppen, 1945

Kranjc, G. — 2008-04-15

Using archival evidence, this article reveals atrocities committed by the Varjag regiment, a nominal part of General Vlasov's anti-communist Committee for the Liberation of the Peoples of Russia, in Slovenia in the final months of World War II. The fact that the Varjag unit mistreated a civilian population that was generally supportive of the Slovene anti-communist domobranci (home guard) units challenges the myth of fraternal solidarity between the Third Reich's non-German collaborators that was trumpeted in domobranci wartime propaganda. As a corollary, this article also highlights the veil of silence that anti-communist Russian authors as well as anti-communist émigré Slovenes cast on these events from exile in the postwar period. The reticence of survivors to acknowledge or to speak of such events underscores the correlation between personal trauma and memory.

The Final Report on the Holocaust and the Final Report on the Communist Dictatorship in Romania

Cesereanu, R. — 2008-04-15

On 22 October 2003, with the initiative of Romania's president Ion Iliescu, the International Commission for the Study of the Holocaust in Romania (ICSHR) was set up. Nobel laureate for peace and American writer of Romanian origin Elie Wiesel was appointed as its president. In spring 2006, with the initiative of Romania's president Traian Basescu, the Presidential Commission for the Analysis of the Communist Dictatorship in Romania (CPADCR) was formed. Vladimir Tismaneanu, the American political scientist of Romanian origin, became its president. Both commissions were established with the purpose of producing a final report on the two forms of totalitarianism in Romania: the extreme right totalitarianism between 1940 and 1944, and the extreme left totalitarianism between 1944 and 1989. Both commissions rested on legal and ethical grounds and they addressed Romanians' expectations and dilemmas linked to their recent traumatic history.

Normalization and the Limits of the Law: The Case of the Czech Jazz Section

Bugge, P. — 2008-04-15

The Jazz Section was one of the most remarkable cultural institutions in "normalized" Czechoslovakia. Established in 1971 as part of the official Musicians' Union, the Jazz Section used its legal status to arrange jazz and rock concerts and to publish a variety of books without the permission or consent of the Communist authorities. From the late 1970s, the regime strove hard to close the Section; however, it survived until 1984. Only in 1986 did the regime find a way to prosecute its leading activists. This article investigates why persecution proved so troublesome. It focuses on the impact of the Jazz Section's legalistic strategy, and on the role of legal concerns in regime behavior. It argues that references to "law and order" had a central legitimizing function in the social discourse of the Husák regime, and that the resulting need to translate policies of repression into legal measures inhibited the authorities in their assertion of power and created an ambiguous window of opportunity for independent social activism.

Policing Via Principles: Reforming the Use of Force in the Western Balkans

Grillot, S. R. — 2008-04-15

After a significant period of violent conflict in the Western Balkans, countries in the region, specifically Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Croatia, Macedonia, Serbia-Montenegro, and the United Nations (UN) protectorate of Kosovo, have embarked on a process of democratic reform. Part of the democratization effort involves reforming the police force. One important, yet not often studied, aspect of police reform is the appropriate use of force with firearms. This study explores the process of police reform in the Western Balkan region to assess the implementation of the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials. Ultimately, this study offers a view of law enforcement activities in an attempt to assess how well these countries are incorporating international standards on the use of force with firearms into their national police practices. In so doing, this research enriches our understanding of weapons issues within the context of security sector, and specifically police reform.

Guilt, Sympathy, and Cooperation: EU--Baltic Relations in the Early 1990s

Lasas, A. — 2008-04-15

The period between March 1990 and June 1993 represents the critical window for European Union (EU)—Baltic relations. During this time Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania laid the foundation for future EU membership. For its part, the European community made a commitment to include the three republics in the process of enlargement. This paper traces the beginnings of EU—Baltic cooperation and examines factors that led to growing political and economic convergence. Nordic membership in the EU, ex-Soviet troop withdrawal, and Russian parliamentary elections were instrumental in bringing both sides together on the road to enlargement, but collective guilt provided the underlying rationale. In this paper, the author argues that it is impossible to understand fully this process of convergence without taking into account the connotations and consequences of the "black trinity": the Munich pact, the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, and the Yalta agreement.

Post-Communist Transitional Justice in Albania

Austin, R. C., Ellison, J. — 2008-04-15

The article provides a detailed and informative account of the transitional justice process in Albania and examines the logic behind the initiation of lustration process. Describing the accurate historical context of the country's communist past, the authors explain the factors that prevented the successful implementation of the post-communist transitional justice in Albania, such as its political culture, the impact of the communist regime, and most importantly, the lack of political will from Albanian political leadership to break away from its communist past. A pioneer in initiating transitional justice laws in the Balkans in the early nineties, Albania failed to successfully implement them, as the leadership saw the lustration process as a political means to crush the opposition and consolidate its power. The article explains that transitional justice process in Albania became highly politicized and was used by politicians for political gains, which ultimately led to loss of trust from general public failing to detach the Albanian political scene from its communist past.

Ismail Kadare's The Shadow Literature, Dissidence, and Albanian Identity

Morgan, P. — 2008-04-15

In the article, Ismail Kadaré's 1986 novel, The Shadow, is analysed as a form of apologia pro vita sua about the deformations of life under a dictatorial regime. This interpretation demonstrates that Kadaré was a dissident in his own terms during the reign of the dictatorial regime and that this type of opposition was something different from the political and ideological critique of post-totalitarianism. Throughout his work, Kadaré has suggested the existence of an alternative Albania to that of the regime, intimating that the historical roots of his nation can give birth to different versions of Albanian identity to that propagated by the Albanian Party of Labour. Using the figure of the legendary Albanian hero, Konstantine, in The Shadow, The Twilight of the Steppe Gods, and elsewhere in his oeuvre, Kadaré links the contemporary problematics of dissidence and existential authenticity under the dictatorship to historical patterns of Albanian culture and individual existence.

Transcendence and History in Krzysztof Kieslowski's Blind Chance

Bradatan, C. — 2008-04-15

The article examines Krzysztof Kieslowski's Blind Chance (Przypadek, 1981) as a film with a distinct philosophical significance. According to the interpretation proposed, in Blind Chance Kieslowski touches on both universal philosophical topics (death, meaninglessness, quest for certainty and truth, deciphering silence) and "local" themes (East-European historical pessimism, geography as destiny, "terror of history"). In spite of Kieslowski's self-declared religious agnosticism, Blind Chance could be—thanks even to the aesthetics of the film—read as a paradoxical theological statement, not so much about God per se, as about the necessity of his existence. In the same vein, the film occasions a series of meditations on historical fate and the role of geography in history, about hope and hopelessness, existential exhaustion, and legacies of silence.

Review of Litvan's A Twentieth-Century Prophet: Oscar Jaszi 1875-1957. A Twentieth-Century Prophet: Oscar Jaszi 1875-1957 by Gyorgy Litvan, translated by Tim Wilkinson. Budapest: Central European University Press, 2006. pp. 550

Tarr, Z. — 2008-04-15

Review of Exit-Voice Dynamics and the Collapse of East Germany: The Crisis of Leninism and the Revolution of 1989 by Steven Pfaff. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2006. pp. 333 and Textbook Reds: Schoolbooks, Ideology, and East German Identity by John Rodden. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006. pp. 443

Yoder, J. A. — 2008-04-15

Notes on Authors

2008-04-15

Religious Diplomacy and Socialism: The Romanian Orthodox Church and the Church of England, 1956 1959

Leustean, L. N. — 2008-01-22

This article analyzes the relationship between the Orthodox Church and the communist regime during one of the most intense periods of religious persecution in the Romanian People's Republic from 1956 to 1959. The church hierarchy demonstrated its support for the socialist construction of the country, while, at the same time, the regime began a campaign against religion by arresting clergy and reducing the number of religious people in monasteries; rumours even circulated that in 1958 Patriarch Justinian was under house arrest. Seeking closer contact with Western Europe, the regime allowed the hierarchy to meet foreign clergymen, especially from the Church of England. These diplomatic religious encounters played a double role. The regime realised that it could benefit from international ecclesiastical relations, while the image of Justinian in the West changed from that of "red patriarch" to that of a leader who was genuinely interested in his church's survival.

Making Bulgarians Socialist: The Fatherland Front in Communist Bulgaria, 1944 1989

Brunnbauer, U. — 2008-01-22

This paper discusses the activities of the Fatherland Front in communist Bulgaria. The Fatherland Front evolved from the communist-led anti-fascist coalition, which had taken power in 1944, into the largest mass organization in socialist Bulgaria, though without real political power. Since the late 1950s, its primary goal was the creation of the "socialist way of life," which would signal the triumph of communist ideology in all walks of life. Propaganda campaigns, lobbying efforts, and the peculiar institution of "Comrade Courts" were employed by the Front in its struggle for rendering everyday life socialist. The analysis, which is based on archival records and published texts, elucidates some of the party-state's strategies to establish cultural hegemony. The activities of the Fatherland Front also reveal which popular practices and consequences of social change were considered problematic by the communist regime, and how they were addressed.

Intellectuals and Post-Communist Politics in Romania: An Analysis of Public Discourse, 1990 2000

Tanasoiu, C. — 2008-01-22

This article starts from the assumption that public intellectuals have the potential of being valuable actors of democratization through their propensity of creating debate by cultivating the alternative and relentlessly challenging thinking patterns in the societies in which they live. By examining the public discourses practiced during the first decade of post-communist politics, this article considers whether the Romanian public intellectuals have fulfilled this function. This article identifies both deconstructive, anti-discourses aimed at dismantling specific narratives (i.e., communism, ethnic nationalist rhetoric, clan politics) and constructive discourses centered on building new narratives (i.e., European, civil society, democratic). The article argues that the performance of public intellectuals should not be judged on their electoral success, but on their ability to fuel debate and deal with those issues considered to be politically uncomfortable by conventional political actors and by the society at large.

The Successful Laggards: Bulgaria and Romania's Accession to the EU

Noutcheva, G., Bechev, D. — 2008-01-22

The article examines the power as well as the limits of the EU's leverage on domestic governance in candidate countries from Eastern Europe through the cases of Bulgaria and Romania. It argues that the reasons for Bulgaria and Romania's lagging behind in meeting the EU accession criteria have to do with a set of domestic factors. Powerful veto players and institutional structures embedded in the domestic sociopolitical context have obstructed reform in the sectors most susceptible to political influence and least likely to be reformed without external pressure. The EU's leverage helps explain why the two laggards did succeed in breaking the vicious circle of semireforms and in ultimately qualifying for EU membership. The EU conditionality has tilted the political balance in favour of a consensus on pro-EU reforms, but before these reforms can take root, they need to generate further demand `from below.'

Eluding Exit and Entry Controls: Romanian and Moldovan Immigrants in the European Union

Culic, I. — 2008-01-22

This study intends to show how politics and policies of immigration articulate on multiple layers of agency: supranational and transnational bodies, states, local networks, and migrants. Examining migration patterns of Romanian and Moldovan citizens in the European Union, the article suggests that to understand the course of immigration policies, students of immigration need to include accounts of the practices of knowledgeable migrants, as actors who enact, in both senses of the word, the authorities' rules and regulations.

What Has Limited the EU's Impact on Minority Rights in Accession Countries?

Rechel, B. — 2008-01-22

Using Bulgaria as a case study, this article investigates what has limited the impact of the European Union (EU) on minority rights in accession countries. It is possible to identify a number of factors. They include a lack of internal minority rights standards, an emphasis on the acquis communautaire, missing expertise on minority issues, the superficial monitoring of candidate states, a lack of concern for human rights, and a failure in addressing public attitudes towards minorities. The case of Bulgaria differed from that of its neighbors in lacking involvement of the High Commissioner on National Minorities (HCNM) of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).

Notes on Authors

2008-01-22

Discourses of Violence and the Ideological Strategies of the Romanian Communist Party, 1944-1953

Adamson, K. — 2007-10-16

Empirical research linking violence and ideology—and using discourse theory and analysis—could provide more nuanced insights into political strategies and social contexts associated with the violent imposition of new political orders. This study addresses one such case, that of the communist takeover in Romania between 1944 and 1953, engaging in an analysis of Romanian Communist Party (PCR) discourse. Using concepts from discourse theory as a tool to critically re-examine some of the most influential comparative and Romania-specific scholarship on communist regimes, the article suggests that the PCR's rise to power was underpinned by a coherent ideological strategy. This involved the articulation of violence within a new discursive formation that sought to produce consent for the regime. In Romania's case, these findings call into question the coercion/consent dichotomy that has framed many previous analyses.

Origins, Memory, and Identity: "Villages" and the Politics of Nationalism in the Republic of Moldova

Cash, J. R. — 2007-10-16

This article reconsiders the manifestation of nationalism in the Republic of Moldova during the late Soviet period and early 1990s. Whereas dominant approaches have focused on the ethnic dimensions of the national movement, I argue that rural-urban identities also played a significant role in shaping political events and outcomes of the recent past by drawing on ethnographic research among participants in the "folkloric movement" within the arts and performance world. This movement coincided with the broader national movement of the 1980s and demonstrates the centrality of "villages" in the construction of an anti-Soviet "national" identity among ethnic Moldovans. In conclusion, the politics of nationalism must be understood in a wider framework that also accounts for the importance of non-ethnic forms of collective identity, such as villages, and that investigates how individual origins and social memory shape civic and political participation.

Mihai Sora: A Philosopher of Dialogue

Craiutu, A. — 2007-10-16

This article examines the political philosophy of Mihai Sora, one of the most important contemporary Romanian philosophers and the former minister of education in Romania's first post-communist government. After presenting Sora's unique intellectual trajectory that spans over six decades, the article explores in detail his theory of authenticity and alienation as well as his philosophy of dialogue and civil society. Sora's writings shed light on the tension between politics and philosophy and challenge us to rethink the relationship between freedom, authenticity, and liberal principles and values. The final section revisits the role of philosophers in the context of the fledgling Eastern European democratic regimes.

Populist Construction of the Past and Future: Emotional Campaigning in Hungary between 2002 and 2006

Rajacic, A. — 2007-10-16

This article was finalized in April 2006, just after the last general elections in Hungary, and it explains the political developments until that date. It is well known that on 17 September an unprecedented revolt broke out in the country, with a direct confrontation of civilians and the police forces including the siege of the National television and the detention of hundreds of protestors. The explanation given for the revolt was the prime minister's leaked speech on the political lies of his own socialist party and the unrevealed economic situation of the country. Yet this article—written before the revolts—shows that confrontation was not solely the consequence of the leaked speech of the prime minister but of an already existing climate of political confrontation, here called "new populism."

The Albanian Renaissance in Political Thought: Between the Enlightenment and Romanticism

Ypi, L. L. — 2007-10-16

The conceptual genealogy of the Albanian so-called Renaissance is often linked to the influence of Western Romantic ideas on the nationalist movements of the Balkans. This paper analyzes the specificities of the Albanian cultural and political context and suggests, by contrast, that Enlightenment categories provide a better means of comprehension of this stage in Albanian intellectual history. It focuses on the ideological function played by the critique of religion as well as by a cultural project addressed to political struggle and emphasizes its roots in the Enlightenment tradition. It finally argues that Enlightenment concepts such as self-criticism and rational teleology might help to grasp some unique features of the Renaissance movement and to construct a more sophisticated account of the emergence of the Albanian modern state.

The Broken Covenant of Tito's People: The Problem of Civil Religion in Communist Yugoslavia

Flere, S. — 2007-10-16

The author attempts to demonstrate that the concept of civil religion is appropriate and illuminating in comprehending the culture and society of Communist Yugoslavia (1945-1991). Though manifestly contrary to theism, numerous elements of this civil religion make it deserving of the name: it contained a tale of an alleged sacred historical past and a transhistorical mission of the Yugoslav peoples, including an eschatology, and a sacred covenant. President Tito's charisma was the major element of this civil religion, the idea of a broken covenant was present, along with the rule of equalitarianism (particularly as a wealth taboo) at the ethical level. When Tito's physical presence disappeared, the entire civil religion was doomed (there was no possibility of routinizing and depersonalizing charisma), as well as the society it legitimated. Because of the charismatic nature of legitimation and the basically authoritarian nature of this cultural pattern, transformation into rational-legal legitimation was blocked.

Identity Politics: The Struggle for Recognition or Hegemony?

Kaya, I. — 2007-10-16

This article aims to answer the question whether identity-based movements are free from economic interests. By analyzing the actions and orientations of the Islamists in Turkey, I show that new social movements based on cultural identities are far from representing the demands of groups for recognition. Rather, these movements aim at establishing hegemony by controlling the intellectual life of society by cultural means. It is insisted that we need a Gramscian view of culture in order to understand the so-called identity politics. Identity-based movements do not refer to the end of social classes, but to the emergence of a new middle class. And against the advocating perspectives on identity politics, I argue that the possible solution to the question of fragmentation could be found in the idea of republic that does not prioritize any culture but seeks a central element that makes it meaningful to talk about such a collective arrangement as society.

Review of Ramet's The Three Yugoslavias: The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building and Legitimation, 1918-2005 by Sabrina P. Ramet. Washington, DC, and Bloomington: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and Indiana University Press, 2006

Lukic, R. — 2007-10-16

Notes on Authors

2007-10-16